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| Rev. Cyrus Pitt Grosvenor. |
Cortland County Express, Thursday, November 7, 1850.
COMMUNICATED.
Fugitive Meetings.
MR. EDITOR:
Meetings of the people of McGrawville, Cortland Co., N. Y., and vicinity have been held in reference to the Fugitive Slave Bill on the evenings of Oct. 25th, and Nov. 1st, 1850. These meetings, especially the last, were well attended by the citizens and the officers and students of N. Y. Central College, which is located in the vicinity.
Remarks were made by some of the citizens and students, and by Profs. Grosvenor, Tillinghast and Kingsley of the Institution. The general character of the remarks was strongly condemnatory of the measure; and manifested a fixed determination to resist its execution. A Committee of Vigilance, consisting of fifteen of the most respectable citizens and some of the students and teachers of the institution was appointed for the purpose of giving notice of the appearance of slave-catchers, and to protect the rights of the people.
The following report was presented by the committee:
Whereas, the Congress of the United States did, at its last session, pass a bill for the purpose of arresting and returning to Slavery certain persons now residing in the Northern States, which bill nullifies the Constitution of the United States by suspending the Habeus Corpus, and depriving persons of liberty without process of law, violates every principle of justice and humanity, compels every "good citizen" to become a slave-catcher, forbids under severe penalties the exercise of the Godlike virtue of Charity, and is subversive of the principles of liberty, therefore:
1. Resolved, That as Christians, Patriots, and "good Citizens," we will, to the utmost of our ability, resist the execution of this Bill of Abominations which we deem fraught with danger, not only to the people of color, but to our free institutions.
2. Resolved, That in so doing, we do but declare our allegiance to the American Constitution, to the plainest principles of the Common Law, to the highest and holiest instincts of Humanity, and to God whose authority is paramount to all human Constitutions and Laws.
3. Resolved, That the names of those who voted for this Bill, and those who skulked from the responsibility of voting against it, shall be held by us in everlasting remembrance.
4. Resolved, That a Committee of Vigilance be appointed, whose duty it shall be to give notice of the appearance of any of the "Chivalry" of the south or their agents among us, and to see that no one is spirited away under the operations of this or any other act, and that a committee of three in each school district be appointed to circulate petitions to Congress for the immediate repeal of this atrocious Bill.
5. Resolved, That it is the duty of all "good citizens to do their utmost to cause this disgraceful act to be stricken from the statue books of the nation, and see that no person is returned to Congress or the State Legislature who is not in favor of such action.
After the report of the Committee was adopted, Mr. Charles A. Hammond asked leave to present the following Resolution, which was unanimously adopted.
Resolved, That we call upon the Legislature of this State to declare the soil of New York free; to protect every person claimed as a slave who escapes us; and to forbid under the sanction of heavy penalties the citizens of this State from aiding in returning any such person.
On motion of the Secretary, the following resolution was also adopted.
Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting with resolutions adopted by it be signed by the officers and sent for publication to the paper in this place, and the other papers of this county, and to the Liberty Party Paper, Impartial Citizen, Anti-Slavery Standard, American Baptist, N. Y. Tribune, and that other papers be requested to copy them.
GILMORE KINNEY, Chairman.
CHARLES A. HAMMOND, Sec'y.
◘ Will the above named papers please copy.
MR. EDITOR:
As the published proceedings of the late Anti-fugitive slave bill meetings were very much condensed, perhaps some of your readers would be benefited by a more detailed account of them, together with the names of the Committee of Vigilance. These names are as follows: Gilmore Kinney, Chairman of the Committee; C. P. Grosvenor, J. K. White, Victor Kingsley, A. H. Benedict, J. D. Gilliard, A. T. Boynton, Thomas Boland, Miss Sarah C. Grosvenor, Miss Dewey, Mrs. Ezra Thompson, Miss Perry, Mr. Huntington, Marcus McGraw and P. H. McGraw.
These meetings were to me full of interest; for I read in them indications that the attention of the people was being attracted by the monstrous aggressions and usurpations of the Slave Power of our country. Such enactments as this, it seems to me, must awaken, as this is awakening a deep feeling of indignation all over the North. Only think, follow citizens, of the dreadful enormity of this bill! l am fully persuaded, the more fully it is investigated, the more deep, and abiding will be the opposition to it, of all true-hearted men.
Starting upon the bold and Atheistic falsehood that man can be made the property of man, it proceeds to require all "good citizens" to aid in returning the fugitive from the Southern Prison-house of Oppression from which he has escaped.
Who so base as to obey such a Godless and Devilish mandate? "If any, speak." Who is there in all this free North who will sell his soul for the paltry pittance of five dollars, and the approving smile of a heartless land pirate or Slaveholder? "If any, speak." Yes, there are some voices professing to be human but whose tones sound more like the wailings and cursings of the dammed, than the free, joyous, honest voices of honest men; there are voices from cowardly and servile miscreants approving of the infernal Bill. I say infernal because it is infernal. Hell has been moved from beneath, in the concoction of this piece of refined and clarified deviltry. It becomes us, as honest men and accountable beings, beings who are to be judged at the last with special reference to our treatment of the poor and weak, and despised, to look into our past course and see whether we have not been in some way instrumental in causing such a shameful and disgraceful and horrible bill to pass in the Congress of this nation. Have we voted for any of those traitors to the human race who supported and countenanced this measure? Have we voted to place Millard Fillmore in the chair of the Vice Presidency? Then may we trace to our votes, this bill. Have we voted for persons for civil office who were not just men who would rule in the fear of God? Then may we trace directly or indirectly to ourselves this deep iniquity. Are we in connection involving Christian fellowship with Slaveholders and suffering them to go unrebuked for their great wrong? Then at our door we may place the origin of this impious law. O! my countrymen, let us awake out of sleep! Let us "break the bands of wickedness and let the oppressed go free."
Yours for the captive,
CHARLES A. HAMMOND.
MR. EDITOR:
Allow me, through your columns, to acknowledge the reception of an enormous pumpkin, presented by Isaac Dunbar, Esq., of Solon. Said pumpkin measures four feet in circumference, and weighs forty-six pounds!—of sufficient capacity for a hen coop, or a playhouse for children. I have cut out a door, and our folks have made a batch of pies of the chips.
A. H. BENEDICT.
EDITORIALS.
Temperance Convention.
The call of a temperance convention of the county of Cortland on the 13th of Nov. and signed by one hundred and five temperance men of the county, we hope means something more than merely a gathering, and the passing of a few resolutions. It is time, we think, that something efficient should be done, beyond mere talk. It would seem that however much moral suasion has done, it has accomplished all that it can and he who continues in the nefarious practice of selling ardent spirits at this period of reform is proof against all argument, and the cries of the drunkards children, the tears of the worse than widowed wife, and the horrid end of the drunkard himself, fall like broken shafts at his feet, and he unmoved as an adamant continues in his business, with as much unconcern, as though his business was perfectly harmless.
All that moral suasion could reach and benefit, have long since abandoned the business, and have engaged in more honorable employment. Those that continue in the business at the present time would do so, in spite of all the misery and wretchedness that can be produced or endured in this world. With such men money is the great object, and as long as money is to be made in the traffick, there will be found men who will engage in it, notwithstanding the wail of thousands may ring in their ears, and the ghosts of the murdered victims may haunt them in their night-dreams, his avarice pushes him forward, and there is no hope of a recovery until this mainspring to his actions shall be broken.
Is it the duly of community to allow this traffick in ardent spirits to be carried on to the destruction of the souls and bodies of thousands and the wretchedness and misery of tens of thousands, because a few avaricious individuals will continue it for the sake of gain? Is it not the duty of every lover of his race—every Christian, and every philanthropist, to set himself to work to devise some plan that shall overthrow this hell-born business?
There must be something devised that will be equal to the emergency, or nothing can be accomplished. Moral suasion has done much in the good cause, but as we have remarked, it is of little avail with those who carry on the business of rum selling at the present time. The license law is but a poor apology for a remedy. Its very features show that its makers were anything but sound heads! Talk of licensing none but men of good moral character to deal out this poison? The man who will deal out the soul destroying liquid is as destitute of goodness, and morality, as is the arch fiend who glories in its soul destroying course over our polluted earth.
If then money is the motive power in this traffick, this power must be destroyed before we can make any advance in the temperance cause, and every effort short of this, is but a waste, of time and money. In our humble opinion, (and we shall not tax the public for it) the next move of the friends of temperance should be the repeal of all laws on the sale of ardent spirits, and leave the vender subject to prosecution as are all other cases of like nature.
For instance, if we should set our neighbor's buildings on fire, we are upon proof liable for the damage. If we should poison our neighbor's cattle, upon proof we should be responsible for the value of those cattle.
But says the objector, this state of things would bring about endless litigation, and beside it would be a hard matter in every case to do justice to both parties? But would it be any harder in the main to arrive at justice in this case than it is in many others, subject to civil process? We think not. And as to endless litigation, enough in all probability, in the shape of damages for time lost, and mischief done while under the influence of liquor could be proved, to make rum selling an up hill business, and these avaricious—in human shape—though they were deaf to all the pleadings of the drunkard's wife—the wails of the drunkard's children—the voice of conscience and the promptings of reason—may, when they find the hopes of their gain is gone, set up somewhat such a cry as was uttered some eighteen hundred years ago in the city of Ephesus; Great is mammon, the goddess of the avaricious! But what could they do? Simply quit a bad business. This is all we ask them to do. This they would be compelled to do, and without our further aid. Let friends of the temperance cause bring things into this shape, and then they may stand and see the rum seller work his own destruction. The contest would then be between the rum seller and his customer.
Why not then strike at the root of the matter at once? Petition and not rest until there is a law passed that will hold the rum seller responsible for the damage done by the rum that he sells.
We might stop here and perhaps we should; but we wish to say a few words about the present license law. This law makes it respectable to sell liquor, has town authority for selling, and should any one question his goodness, morality of character, and a moral board of Excise [Tax], granting a man of good moral character the liberty to sell rum, gives it the appearance of respectability. The present law does not work with equality. If rum selling is necessary, (as the law promises that it is), why should a town be deprived of its sale because a majority happen to think it was not necessary? If it is unnecessary to have rum sold, why should a sister town be cursed with it because a majority happen to think it was necessary? If rum is necessary to our comfort, let us have it unshackled by license or no license—if it is not necessary for our comfort, sweep the board at once in such a manner that it will stay swept—and let every man be responsible for his own actions, and not allow him to hide under the wing of town or county authority for engaging in this miserable business. Money! money!! money!!! is the mainspring that moves this mighty hydra-headed monster.
But it is unconstitutional, because it is a law that the people have made, so says a learned judge in a parallel case, and therefore it ought to be repealed. We go for repealing a law that makes it honorable to sell rum, or even squints that way.
We hope there will be a great gathering at the Court House on the 13th, and that the wisdom then and there assembled, will devise and bring out some measure that shall fall like a thunderbolt upon this vile business.
Let every body and his wife be at the Convention. Don't forget to take along the women, for women are capable of doing much in a good cause. We venture the assertion that if the women could have had the entire control of this affair, there would not have been a drunken husband left to curse his family at this period. The upshot of the business would long ago have been— You must stop drinking, or you can't be my husband!!!
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