GOOD WORK BY FIREMEN, CORTLAND ASSEMBLYMEN, AND POLITICAL NOTES

 

The Cortland Democrat, Friday, November 17, 1899.

GOOD WORK BY FIREMEN.

   The efficiency of our fire department was amply proven at an early hour last Friday morning when they prevented the spread of the blaze which nearly consumed Gillett's livery barn on Orchard-st. A lantern exploded at the top of the stairs and the flames spread rapidly, and there was some delay in sending in an alarm so that it was under big headway when the firemen arrived. Buildings closely surrounded it on both sides, but were saved from great damage, except the bowling alley owned and occupied by James Kane. Mr. Kane lost many of his effects and was uninsured. Other losers had insurance. Mr. Gillett saved his horses, wagons and entire equipment.

 

CORTLAND ASSEMBLYMEN.

   The following correct list of the Assemblymen from Cortland county since the formation of the county in 1810 will be read with much interest and no doubt preserved by many for future reference:

1810—Ephraim Fish.

1811—Billy Trowbridge.

1812—Billy Trowbridge.

1813—Billy Trowbridge.

1814—Wm. Mallory

1815—Samual G. Hathaway.

1816—Joshua Ballard.

1817—John Miller.

1818—Samuel G. Hathaway.

1819—Joseph Reynolds.

1820—John Miller.

1821—John Osborne.

1822—Daniel Sherwood.

1823—John Gillet, Daniel Sherwood.

1824—Wm. Barto, Mathias Cook.

1825—James Chatterton, Josiah Hart.

1826—Augustus Donnelly, john Lynde.

1827—Cephas Comstock, Nathan Dayton.

1828—John L. Boyd, Nathan Dayton.

1829—Abraham Carley, Gideon Curtiss.

1830—Chauncey Keep, Henry Stephens.

1831—Fredus Howard, Chas. Richardson.

1832—Andrew Dickson, Jonathan L. Woods.

1833—Enos S. Halbert, David Mathews.

1834—Stephen Bogardus, Oliver Kingman.

1835—0Aasron Brown, Barack Niles.

1836—Cepahas Comstock, Chauncey Keep.

1837—Josiah Hine, John Thomas.

1838—David Matthews, John Osgood.

1839—George S. Green, George Issacs.

1840—William Barnes, Jabez B. Phelps.

1841—Nathan Heaton. Lovel G. Mikels.

1842—Jesse Ives, Oren Stimson.

1843—Harry McGraw, George N. Miles.

1844—Platt F. Grow, John Kingman.

1845—George J. J. Barber, John Pierce.

1846—Amos Graves, John Miller.

1847—Timothy Green.

1848—James Comstock.

1849—Ira Skell.

1850—Lewis Kingsley.

1851—Alvan Kellogg.

1852—George W. Bradford.

1853—Ashbel B. Patterson.

1854—Perrin H. McGraw.

1855—John H. Knapp.

l856—George I. Kingman.

1857—Joseph Atwater.

1858—Nathan Bouton.

1859—Arthur Holmes.

1860—John A. McVean.

1861—Loami Kinney.

1862—Thomas Barry.

1863—Henry B. VanHoesen.

1864—Benjamin F. Tillinghast.

1865—Dann C Squires.

1866—Stephen Patrick.

1867—Horatio Ballard.

1868—Raymond P. Babcock.

1869—Hiram Whitmarsh.

1870—Charles Foster.

1871—Henry S. Randall.

1872—Dann C. Squires.

1873—Geo. W. Phillips.

1874—Geo. W Phillips.

1875—Daniel E. Whitmore.

1876—Judson C. Nelson.

1877—Deloss McGraw.

1878—Orris U. Kellogg.

1879—George H. Arnold.

1880—Samuel A. Chlids.

1881—Alburtis A. Carley.

1882—Alburtis A. Carley.

1883—Judson C. Nelson.

1884—A. Judson Kneeland.

1885—Harlan P. Andrews.

1886—Milfred M. Brown.

1887—Wayland D. Tisdale.

1888—Wayland D. Tisdale.

1889—Rufus T. Peck.

1890— Rufus T. Peck.

1891—Rufus T. Peck.

1892—James H. Tripp.

1893—James H. Tripp.

1894—Benjamin F. Lee.

1895—Wilber Holmes.

1896—F. P. Saunders.

1897—F. P. Saunders.

1898—D. W. VanHoesen

1899—George S. Sands.

William McKinley.

 

POLITICAL NOTES.

   Roosevelt seems to imagine that he is the Governor, not of the whole people, but of a dominant political faction of the State—Syracuse Herald.

   Hobart slides out from under the Ramapo affair. Griggs slides out from under the Carter affair. Roosevelt slides from under the canal affair, and they all slide on the people's toboggan. Watch it.—Poughkeepsie News-Press.

   It is worth remembering that the Ramapo job had to run against a Democratic stone wall before it met with the slightest resistance. Every Republican by way and boulevard was dusted and oiled for the occasion.—New York Journal.

   President McKinley is rapidly gaining in popularity in Utah. His recognition of polygamy in the Sulus, and his guaranteeing of the Sultan thereof in the undisturbed possession of his harem, is appreciated by the Mormon elders. — Grand Rapids Democrat.

   A somewhat amusing statement was Mr. Platt's effort to clear his father of all interest in the Fidelity and Deposit Company of Maryland, which does so large a business in Raines law bonds, by stating that it was the business solely of himself and his brother.—Buffalo Express (Rep.).

   It inspires something like contempt to read in the columns of some of our Republican contemporaries bitter criticisms of Gen. Otis in one column and fulsome praise of President McKinley in another. Those boss-ridden organs have not the courage to acknowledge that McKinley is responsible for Otis.

   It is not of grave importance whether George Dewey is a Democrat, Republican or Populist, but the matter should be settled. Campaigns are nearly due and no political organization should use his pictures on its three-sheet posters unless certain that it has "got him next." Printing costs money.—Chicago Chronicle.

   Governor Roosevelt, the athlete, has fairly pole-vaulted into Ohio politics. He is throwing the political hammer, putting the eloquent shot and taking party hurdles at a great rate. Here in his own State, however, we cannot forget that he has balked at the canal water jump. The Governor's mind is like the tail of a comet. It not only flares away from the sun of facts, but it to too tenuous to hide the palpable things behind it.—New York Journal.

   This Sulu treaty is, indeed, a diplomatic darling. It provides for the continuance of a regime of which slavery is an important feature. But a defender of the policy of benevolent assimilation asserts that this slavery isn't a bad sort of slavery at all—just a nice, quiet, pleasant sort of ownership of one human being by another and just the thing for Uncle Sam to go in for 85 years after our five thousand million dollar Civil War, which brought about more or less freedom for Africans in this country.—Hartford Times.

   It would be more becoming to Governor Roosevelt if he would do less talking about fighting and get down to the business that confronts him and show us some action which the people could commend in his official life. There are some gross discrepancies in the handling of canal funds for instance which he promised to attend to after he was elected Governor. But then to ferret out the canal frauds would require some moral stamina and courage on his part, and that to something he is sadly deficient in, although he professes with monotonous regularity to the people that he is a bold bad man in a fight.—Niagara Cataract.

 

PAGE FOUR—EDITORIALS.

   The Republican Attorney General cannot very well do anything to destroy the trusts without disregarding the Scriptural injunction to "Remember thy Creator, etc."

   The Republican party believes in special favors to privileged parties, tariffs, bounties, subsidies, national banks and trusts. The Democratic party stands for equal opportunities for all.

   There is small comfort for McKinley in the election returns. To carry not one of the states considered doubtful in an election preceding the Presidential contest is no record for a second term aspirant.

   If, as President McKinley now says, the Philippines have come to us through the "Providence of God," he should lose no time in demanding that Spain refuse the $20,000,000 we paid for her vanished title.

   President McKinley's plea that we can govern the Filipinos better than they can govern themselves, is much like the plea of Senator Hanna that the trusts can control our industries much better than the people can.

   If trusts are such admirable things as Senator Hanna says they are, we may reasonably expect that the consolidation of the sleeping car companies will shortly devise a system of all lower berths with lower prices.

   Dr. Parkhurst says that there are 250,000 New Yorkers who are much worse than Representative elect Roberts of Utah. Yet the protests came in good and strong from New York against the Congressman with his three wives.

   To transfer like sheep a people like the Filipinos from one nation to another, without their consent and against their emphatic protest, may be legal according to International law, but it to contrary to all former American ideas of justice.

   In his recent Western speeches President McKinley dropped the mask, and intimated his intention to recommend keeping the Philippines, regardless of the McEnery resolution passed by the Senate, which declared that he did not intend to annex them.

   The tax reform scheme of the [Cortland] Standard appears simple and innocent on its face, but in operation the burden of taxation would be thrown upon the farmers. It should meet a fate similar to Brother Clark's pet "primary law" and be emphatically declined by those in a position to make it operative.

   Under the terms of the treaty made by this Administration with the Sultan of Sulu we are to pay him a stipulated yearly sum, and not to interfere with his domestic institutions of polygamy and slavery. We are therefore to be taxed to maintain in Sulu what we abominate in Utah, which scarcely seems to be consistent. What is bad in Utah should not receive the endorsement and financial support of the United States in the Philippines.

   The administration does not propose that the Philippines shall be admitted as states, yet the Supreme Court of the United states has decided that there is "no power given by the Constitution to the Federal government to establish or maintain colonies bordering on the United States, or at a distance, to be ruled and governed at its own pleasure, nor to enlarge its territorial limits in any way, except by the admission of new states. To acquire territory and govern it by Congress, as it sees fit, would be dangerous to the liberties of the people."

   William H. Clark of the Standard is now fathering a tax-reform petition. It has been somewhat signed, but it is a safe guess that none except the rich signers know that the scheme is one originated by such taxpayers as the Astors, Vanderbilts and Rockefellers. The farmer and the poor taxpayer in general knows what regard such men have for those not millionaires. The petition circulated by Mr. Clark was signed by many business men, probably without their having, in most Instances, the slightest idea of its import. We would advise them and others to whom it may be presented to look closely at the measure.