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| William McKinley. |
The
Cortland Democrat, Friday, December 10, 1897.
THE SECOND MESSAGE
OF PRESIDENT McKINLEY TO CONGRESS A VERBOSE
DOCUMENT.
Currency Must be Reformed—Cuba Must Wait—Hawaii
Should be Annexed at Once, but Congress Must Not Act on Cuba—When Necessary the
President Will Act.
To the Senate and House of Representatives:
It gives
me pleasure to extend greeting to the Fifty-fifth congress, assembled in
regular session at the seat of government, with many of whose senators and
representatives I have been associated in the legislative service. Their
meeting occurs under felicitous conditions, justifying sincere congratulations
and calling for our grateful acknowledgement to a beneficent Providence which
has so signally blessed and prospered us as a nation. Peace and good will with
all the nations of the earth continue unbroken.
A matter
of genuine satisfaction is the growing feeling of fraternal regard and unification
of all sections of our country, the incompleteness of which has too long delayed
realization of the highest blessings of the Union. The spirit of patriotism is
universal and is ever increasing in fever. The public questions which now most
engross us are lifted far above either partisanship, prejudice or former
sectional difference. They affect every part of our common country alike and
permit of no division on ancient lines. Questions of foreign policy, of
revenue, the soundness of the currency, the inviolability of national obligations,
the improvement of the public service appeal to the individual conscience of
every earnest citizen to whatever party he belongs or in whatever section of
the country he may reside.
Tariff
legislation having been settled by the extra session of congress, the question next
pressing for consideration is that of the currency.
CUBAN AFFAIRS OUTLINED.
The most
important problem with which this government is now called upon to deal pertaining
to its foreign relations concerns its duty toward Spain and the Cuban
insurrection.
The
prospect from time to time that the weakness of Spain's hold upon the island and
the present vicissitudes and embarrassments of the home government might lead to
the transfer of Cuba to a continental power called forth, between 1823 and
1860, various emphatic declarations of the policy of the United States to
permit no disturbance of Cuba's connection with Spain unless in the direction
of independence or acquisition by us through purchase; nor has there been any
change of this declared policy since upon the part of the government.
The
existing conditions cannot but fill this government and the American people with
the gravest apprehension. There is no desire on the part of our people to
profit by the misfortunes of Spain. We have only the desire to see the Cubans
prosperous and contented, enjoying that measure of self-control, which is the
inalienable right of man, protected in their right to reap the benefit of the
exhaustless treasures of their country.
The offer
made by my predecessor in April, 1896, tendering the friendly offices of this
government failed. Any mediation on our part was not accepted. In brief, the
answer read:
"There
is no effectual way to pacify Cuba unless it begins with the actual submission
of the rebels to the mother country."
Then only
could Spain act in the promised direction of her own motion and after her own
plans.
No
solution was proposed to which the slightest idea of humiliation to Spain could
attack, and indeed the precise proposals were withheld to avoid embarrassment to
that government. All that was asked or expected was that some safe way might be
speedily provided and permanent peace restored. It so chanced that the consideration
of this offer, addressed to the same Spanish administration which had declined
the tenders of my predecessor and which for more than two years had poured men
and treasure into Cuba in the fruitless effort to suppress the revolt, fell to
others. Between the departure of General Woodford, the new envoy, and his
arrival in Spain, the statesman who had shaped the policy of his country fell
by the hand of an assassin, and. although the cabinet of the late premier still
held office, and received from our envoy the proposals he bore, that cabinet gave
place within a few days thereafter to a new administration under the leadership
of Sagasta.
The reply
to our note was received on Oct. 23d. It is in the direction of a better understanding.
In the
absence of a declaration of the measures that this government proposes to take
in carrying out its proffer of good offices it suggests that Spain be left free
to conduct military operations and great political reforms while the United
States for its part shall enforce its neutrality obligations and cut off the
assistance which it is asserted the insurgents receive from this country. The
supposition of an indefinite prolongation of the war is denied. It is asserted that the western provinces are
already well nigh reclaimed; that the planting of cane and tobacco therein has been
resumed by force of arms and new and ample reforms very early and complete pacification
is hoped for.
Throughout
all these horrors and dangers to our own peace, this government has never in
any way abrogated its sovereign prerogative of reserving to itself the
determination of its policy and course according to its own high sense of right
and in consonance with the dearest interests and convictions of our own people should
the prolongation of the strife so demand.
Of the
untried measures there remains only: Recognition of the insurgents as belligerents;
recognition of the independence of Cuba; neutral intervention to end the war by
imposing a rational compromise between the contestants and intervention in
favor of one or the other party. I speak not of forcible annexation, for that
cannot be thought of. That, by our code of morality, would be criminal
aggression.
Recognition
of the belligerency of the Cuban insurgents has often been canvassed as a
possible, if not inevitable step, both in regard to the previous 10 years struggle
and during the present war.
The wise
utterances of President Grant in his memorable message of Dec. 7, 1875, are
signally relevant to the present situation in Cuba, and it may be wholesome now
to recall them. At that time a ruinous conflict had for seven years wasted the neighboring
island. During all those years an utter disregard of the laws of civilized
warfare and of the just demands of humanity which called forth expressions of
condemnation from the nations of Christendom continued unabated.
At that
juncture General Grant uttered these words, which, now as then, sum up the
elements of the problem:
"A
recognition of the independence of Cuba
being in my opinion impracticable and indefensible, the question which next
presents itself is that of the recognition of belligerent rights in the parties
to the contest. In a former message to Congress I had occasion to consider this
question and reached the conclusion that the conflict in Cuba, dreadful and devastating
as were its incidents, did not rise to the fearful dignity of war… It is
possible that the acts of foreign powers, and even acts of Spain herself of this
very nature, might be pointed to in defense of such recognition.
"But now, as in its past history, the United States should carefully
avoid false lights, which might lead it into the mazes of doubtful law and of
questionable propriety, and adhere rigidly and sternly to the rule which has
been its guide, of doing only that which is right and honest and of good report.
"The question of according or withholding
right of belligerency must be judged in every ease, in view of the particular
attending facts. Unless justified by necessity, it is always and justly
regarded as an unfriendly act and a gratuitous demonstration of moral support
to the rebellion.
"It is necessary and it is required,
when the interests and rights of another government or of its people are so far
affected by a pending civil conflict as to require a definition of its
relations to the parties thereto. But this conflict must be one which will be
recognized in the sense of international law as war."
I regard the accordance of belligerent rights
still to be an unwise and premature as I regard it to be at present,
indefensible as a measure of right.
Turning to the practicable aspects of a
recognition of belligerency and reviewing its inconveniences and positive
dangers, still further pertinent considerations appear. In the code of nations
there is no such thing as a naked recognition of belligerency unaccompanied by
the assumption of international neutrality. Such recognition without more will
not confer upon either party to a domestic conflict a stature not theretofore
actually possessed or affect the relation of either party to other states.
For these reasons I regard the recognition
of the belligerency of the Cuban insurgents as now unwise and therefore
inadmissible. Should that step hereafter be deemed wise as a measure of right
and duty, the executive will take it.
That
the government of Sagasta has entered upon a course from which recession with honor
is impossible can hardly be questioned, that in the few weeks it has existed,
it has made earnest of the sincerity of its profession is undeniable. I shall not
impugn its sincerity nor should impatience be suffered to embarrass it in the task
it has undertaken. It is honestly due to Spain and to our friendly relations with
Spain that she should be given a reasonable chance to realize her expectations
and to prove the asserted efficacy of the new order of things to which she
stands irrevocably committed.
She has recalled the commander whose brutal
orders inflamed the American mind and shocked the civilized world. She has modified
the horrible order of concentration and has undertaken to care for the helpless
and permit those who desire to resume the cultivation of their fields to do so,
and assures them the protection of the Spanish government in their lawful occupations.
She has just released the Competitor prisoners, heretofore sentenced to death
and who have been the subject of repeated diplomatic correspondence during both
this and the preceding administration.
Sure of the right, keeping free from all offense
ourselves, actuated only by upright and patriotic considerations, moved neither
by passion nor selfishness, the government will continue its watchful care over
the rights and property of American citizens and will abate none of its efforts
to bring about by peaceful agencies a peace which shall be honorable and
enduring.
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