REPUBLICAN RALLIES

Chauncey M. Depew.

Col. Theodore Roosevelt.

 

Cortland Semi-Weekly Standard, Friday, October 28, 1898.

REPUBLICAN RALLIES.

THREE GREAT MASS-MEETINGS HELD MONDAY AFTERNOON.

The Opera House and Taylor Hall Filled Within a Few Minutes After the Doors Were Opened—An Overflow Meeting Held in the Armory—Splendid Speeches by Col. Roosevelt, Chauncey M. Depew, John T. McDonough and William J. Youngs—Great Enthusiasm.

   Monday was one of the greatest days politically which Cortland ever experienced. Three great Republican mass-meetings were held and still there were people unable to get within the sight and the range of the voices of the speakers. It had been the intention to hold two meetings—one at the Opera House and the other at Taylor hall, but as the time for the meetings approached the enthusiasm became so marked that it was deemed wise to secure the armory for a third meeting in case it should be needed. It was well that this was done, for the crowd began to gather about the doors of the Opera House at 1:30 o’clock a full hour before the doors were opened and two hours before the meeting was advertised to begin. By 2:30 the dense throng filled the sidewalk down to the Cortland House and clear across the street on the new paving. When the doors were opened the great concourse surged in with a rush and it took but four minutes by the watch in the hand of a man on the stage before there was not a vacant seat to be seen. Then the unfortunate ones who were left outside turned their faces toward Taylor hall and that was quickly filled. Still there were hundreds anxious to gain admittance and they were directed to the old armory. Before time for the meeting to begin, that was crammed to suffocation. There were no seats here except the two rows on the elevated platform around the sides. That big floor will hold a great many people when they all stand close together, but it was taxed to its utmost Monday.

   The speakers were Col. Theodore Roosevelt, Republican candidate for governor, and his associates who are spending this week in a tour of the state. They were advertised to arrive at Cortland at 3:30 o’clock, but it was an hour later than that before the special train on which they are traveling actually reached the D., L. & W. station from Binghamton. Meanwhile the crowds had been amusing themselves as best they could. At the Opera House they sung patriotic songs. A party of Normal students had secured seats in a body on one side of the parquet near the stage. In the nearest box was Miss Olive Landon, a Normal [School] young lady who was possessed of a strong and leading voice, and she would start the songs and would be instantly accompanied by the Normal boys, and then the whole audience would join in. There were new versions of “John Brown’s Body” that appeared to be adapted to this special campaign and which seemed to amuse every one greatly.

   The Opera House itself looked very fine indeed draped as it was with flags and streamers. Pictures of McKinley and of Roosevelt occupied prominent places. There was a large banner across the platform bearing the inscription “Honest legislation; Foremost in war; Honored by all.” Upon each upper box at the side was a banner “For member of assembly, George S. Sands.”

   Long before the appointed hour the stage was packed with vice-presidents and secretaries holding reserve seat tickets so that standing room was at a premium. Fifty ladies had tickets to the four boxes, and the crowded condition of the boxes seemed an indication that all of the fifty were there.

   It was just 4:45 o’clock when Chairman Nathan L. Miller of the Republican county committee worked his way down the narrow aisle leading from the rear to the front of the stage, followed by the Hon. Chauncey M. Depew, whose face is probably more familiar to a larger number of Americans than that of any other man in the land, and whose words are always greeted with pleasure whether they be spoken in the hearing of the audience or be read as a published report of his speeches elsewhere. As his genial countenance was seen through the crowd on the stage a burst of applause swept over the whole house and was continued till overcoats had been removed and Chairman Miller was ready to call the assemblage to order, which he did in brief words, naming B. T. Wright as presiding officer of the meeting. Mr. Wright was equally brief, saying that he did not wish to take any of the precious minutes when he knew the audience wanted to hear the others, and he had the great pleasure and he also esteemed it an honor to introduce to the people before him the Hon. Chauncey M. Depew. It was a full minute before Mr. Depew could be heard for the applause, and then he spoke in part as follows:

   FELLOW CITIZENS—I am not Col. Roosevelt. I am sent forward as the advance guard to hold the fort till he gets here. I left him a few minutes ago addressing several acres of people in two other halls. He will come here last, but you know that the last is always the best.

   This has been a great day for us. We have been coming up the valley of the Erie railroad, and this is the eleventh place at which we have stopped for speeches. We have tried not to give the same speeches in each place and the subject is so rich and the occasion so inspiring that there was no need why we should have them alike. Two years ago I made a trip through the Empire state, speaking in the national campaign. The difference between two years ago and now is that then we looked forward to heaven as we expected it to be, now we see the earth as we know it is. Then there was general gloom all along that valley which we have traversed to-day. Tens of thousands of men were out of employment, tens of thousands of women were home in their sorrow and discouragement enduring the poverty that had come through the lack of work for the men. Now after two years the whole scene is changed. Old industries have started up and are running on full time and new industries are running and giving promise of longer hours. Every one is at work and every one is happy. If so much has come about in two years, give us two years more with a Republican congress in both houses and the condition of the tramp in 1900 will be better than that of the honest man in 1896 who could get no work, for the tramp will have people trying to get him to work.

   We had a good candidate and we had a good cause and we won in 1896. Our cause was honest money and the protection of American industries, and our candidate was William McKinley. This year we are still after honest money and we shall continue to follow up that issue till the ghost of free silver is laid away forever. We have accomplished so much for the benefit of the nation and the people with honest money and with the Dingley tariff bill.

   We are also trying to hold up the hands of our president and if ever a party had an inspiring candidate, inspiring in the purity of his private life, inspiring in the integrity and the conscientiousness of his civil career, inspiring in the brilliance and success of his military experience we have that inspiring candidate in Theodore Roosevelt.

   This is a Republican year. We can feel it in our bones, we can breathe it in the air, we can see it in the depressed countenance of our Democratic neighbor. No one knows a Republican who is this year going to vote the Democratic ticket, but everybody knows of a score of Democrats who are going to vote for the Republican candidates, because they are disgusted with the insincerity and the cowardice of their own party in failing to show its colors and take a stand of some sort for honest money. The race is this year between one who hops and one who runs. The Democratic party hops along on its one leg of state issues. The Republican party runs strongly and surely on the two legs of both state and national issues, and it runs with no fear, but stands right up for all the principles it has ever professed and for all the men it has ever advocated, and it is going to win.

   The Democratic party is fishing in a dry spring where there are no fish. It reminds me of a lunatic asylum down our way. A man sat fishing from early morning till late in the afternoon on a rock beside of a creek near the asylum grounds. An inmate who had the liberty of the premises approached him with the question, “Been fishing since sunrise? “Yes.”  “Got no bite? “No.” “No fish?”  “No.” “Well, if that is a fact you ought to be in here with us.”

   The causes of the depression of 1893, ’94 and ’95 are not hard to see. They are but history repeated. The panic of ’57 proceeded from the free trade principles of Pierce’s and Buchanan’s administrations. A high tariff was needed in the war time to meet the expenses of our government. When it began all of our industries were in the possession of the foreign manufacturer, the foreign capitalist and the foreign laborer. We were essentially an agricultural community. Now we are strong and rich and independent of the foreigner. The principle of protection worked so well that the Republican party resolved to continue it, and it went for thirty-five years. It built up our country. We now support 70,000,000 people as easily as we then supported 35,000,000. Now we manufacture our own steel, our own cotton and our own silk, because we are the makers of our own markets.

   But Cleveland was elected in 1892 and the Democrats who had been out of absolute power for more than twenty-five years thought to try an experiment and bring about the millennium. They passed the Wilson tariff bill which proved to be both a success and a failure. It was a success in paralyzing and destroying American industries, but it was a failure in that it could not raise enough revenue to support the government.

   Since then they have had fads about free silver and fiat money and other things. The American is the most adventurous business man in the world. Give him an opportunity and he puts his money and his credit into anything in which he sees an opportunity to make a dollar if he thinks it is safe. But if he thinks a change is coming or that a new law is to be enacted which makes his money uncertain and his credit questionable he puts his money in the bank, and that is an end to your industries, and your development. The workers are out of work and there is no money to buy the products of the farm. The Republican party says it will have its money in accord with the standard money of the world—the standard of a solvent people and a successful business.

   We are now entering upon new conditions. The like has never existed before. We have engaged in war for the pure purpose that the oppression in a neighboring island, less than 100 miles from our shores, should cease. It was so outrageous that we could not stand by and see the people starved and ill treated. We put forth the whole power of the United States to uphold and uplift them. The result is beyond belief. One year ago, six months ago, the wildest imagination which would have pictured the results that have come about in 100 days would have been considered a story of Kipling’s, and the idea itself would have seemed so foolish in imagination that Kipling himself would not have written it. In 100 days we have guaranteed a free government to the people of Cuba. But Providence was behind the guns, Providence was smiling on our flag, Providence was opening new ways. Within 100 days in Manila bay Dewey sunk the Spanish fleet. Within 100 days Sampson at Santiago in thirteen minutes sunk thirteen Spanish ships and turned them into a heap of old junk. Within 100 days our army had captured Santiago and the Rough Riders rushing over San Juan hill showered imperishable luster on the American army.

   Cuba is free, Porto Rico is ours, the Philippines have been captured. We are now a world power ready to compete with the nations of the world for the markets of the Orient. No such picture was ever before painted on the pages of history in any such time. We are frightened at our own success, we are scared at our responsibility. I remember a man in Peekskill whose uncle died in California and left him $100,000, and I congratulated him on his new property. “Yes,” he said, “but think of the responsibility that now rests upon me to take care of that money.” The Almighty would not have handed those possessions over to us if he had not felt confident that Yankee brains, that Yankee statesmanship and that Yankee initiative were able to take care of anything that might fall into Yankee hands. For one I am not scared.

   This has come at an opportune time. The empire of China has been in the dry rot for 2,000 years. China is falling to pieces in spite of the masterful efforts of that new woman, the dowager empress. Russia, Germany, France, England are all anxious for a slice. This country contains one-fourth of the population of the globe who only need educating to make a market for the older nations of the world. We have conquered our own markets. We have gone out into the markets of the peoples of the world. We send locomotives, and electrical apparatus and agricultural tools to Europe. We even send carpets to England. Last year we exported $200,000,000 of the products of our own industries and $1,000,000,000 of the products of our farms. We want new markets. With Honolulu and the Ladrones and Manila as coaling stations we are nearer China than any other nation of the world. American capitalists, and American workingmen can transform a market of 70,000,000 into a market of 1,000,000,000 people. But our pessimistic Democratic friend says, “But they are all barbarians and savages in the Philippines.” Who made them so? We have read in the morning papers to-day that when Gen. Otis went to the Manila prisons he found thirty women confined there for terms of about thirty years each for insurrection against the Spanish government. And it appeared that all of those women had property. One had a farm and the others had property ranging all the way up to $30,000 each. And the Spanish captain general stole the farm and the money and imprisoned the owners. When the natives of the Philippines come to know that justice, law and liberty are behind our government and that we are there to protect them and to enable them to retain and save the fruits of their labors and to punish them only when they do wrong they will be ready to welcome our government. Just at this time the band was heard outside playing Sousa’s “Stars and Stripes Forever,” and Mr. Depew stopped and listened a moment, thinking that Col. Roosevelt was coming, and then made the remark, “That has a Rough Rider sound.” But no one came and he continued his address.

   The process of education is simple. A drummer from Cortland goes to the Philippine Islands and looks over the field. He sells agricultural implements and he finds the native plowing with a stick. He says “Look here, filly, old man, I can sell you a plow that will be out of sight of that stick you are using. If you don’t believe it I will stay and try it a week for you and teach you how to use it and then sell it to you on the installment plan at double the retail price,” and he does. And when the native finds that with that plow and with the harrow and the cultivator and the reaper and the mowing machine and with other modern tools which he buys he can raise more in one year than all his ancestors could in ten years, he thinks the American drummer is a pretty good fellow and the American government is a grand thing, and the American market is made.

   But the best thing this war has done is to bring the sections together. There is now no North, no South, no East, no West. When President McKinley with rare foresight and good judgment appointed Joe Wheeler and Fitzhugh Lee to be major generals he captured the South, and to the Confederate soldier who enlisted and the son of the Grand Army man who enlisted there was but one purpose—to fight for the country under the same old flag; and when Theodore Roosevelt, a dude in New York, a cowboy in Montana, an American everywhere, got together a regiment of Rough Riders from the most exclusive members of the New York clubs, and from the plains of men who had never slept under a roof and who did not know what a club was unless it be an Indian club—or a card—and when the cowboys and the dudes found that each was as athletic as the other, that each could ride as well as the other, that each could fight as well as the other and that their one common object was to get to the front as soon as possible where fighting was going on then the difference between the East and the West disappeared, then the West learned to respect the East, and the East learned that all the wooliness of the West was much in name. This country is growing in power, in wealth, in industries and this war will be of untold benefit in its advance into a commercial country.

   Last year we sent 60,000 tons of rails to China and we might have sent three times as many, but there were no ships to carry them. We sent 350,000 barrels of flour and we could have doubled it, but there were no ships. The great difficulty found for the farmers of the middle and eastern states has been over-production, but if the western farmers begin sending their agricultural products to Hawaii, to the Ladrones, to China, to Japan, to the Philippines, they take so much of the products out of the markets and we have a better market for the eastern and the middle states in shipping to Europe.

   But our Democratic friends say none of this expansion business for them. Well, we ask a Democratic congressman what will be likely to be his attitude on free silver, and he dodges by replying that he will vote to repeal the Raines law. “But,” a Republican said to a Democrat under these circumstances a few days ago, “the Raines law was not framed in Washington.” “Great Scott,” was his reply, “You don’t say so.”

   I am not afraid of the liquor question and I never have been and I am not afraid to talk about it either. All legislation on the liquor question for seventy-five years has failed. We have had license, we have had local option and we have had prohibition that didn’t prohibit. It has always been possible to find some one who knew a way to get around the law. The Raines law is not a perfect measure, but it has shut up some of the worst places. And there is one thing which it has done which no other method of handling the liquor question ever did. It has put $9,000,000 in a year in the treasuries of the state and the towns, and saved that much of taxation and this was never done before except by direct taxation. The Democrats say repeal it. If they do this money must be raised by additional taxes on the farm, and the farmer will get so much less income. It must be raised by additional taxes on houses, and the workingman must pay more rent if he rents or more taxes if he owns his place.

   Well then, the Democrats say there is trouble with the canals. But the governor didn’t dig the canals, but he can see if there is any dishonesty about them and he can set the machinery of the government at work to ferret out and correct the evil and punish the wrongdoers, and I ask this question, from his previous record and from his known reputation is there any one more likely to do this than Teddy Roosevelt?

   Mr. Depew had just reached these words, though only in the middle of his speech when “Teddy” himself appeared and the whole audience rose up enmass and greeted him with a perfect whirlwind of cheers. Mr. Depew himself introduced Col. Roosevelt to the audience as the next governor of the Empire state and while the audience cheered itself hoarse he departed for Taylor hall to make a speech there. Col. Roosevelt said in part:

   MR. CHAIRMAN AND MY FELLOW CITIZENS—I wish we had a greater portion of the afternoon at our disposal. I should like to address you at length instead of making a brief speech to each of three audiences.

   There are two features to this campaign, and I wish to say that I appeal to you to support the Republican ticket, not as partisans, but as Americans. I appeal to Republicans, to Independents and to honest Democrats who put their interest in their country above partisanship, make this fight fair and square on every issue—state and national. You cannot divorce your citizenship of New York state and of America. You cannot help voting as a New Yorker and as an American. We are engaged in a contest to elect United States senators and congressmen. Your decision in this coming election will be construed abroad as your support or non-support of your brothers in the regular army and in the volunteers. I ask you to support the administration in the name of courage and honesty—courage because no honesty is of any use if it flies when it meets any one. Woe to the nation whose public men fear to grasp the situation. Woe to the nation whose public men dare not go forward in the right for fear they will lose something or lose some one’s vote. Our opponents don’t dare to tell us whether they are for honesty or for free silver. I am reminded of a man who begs you to buy his groceries saying he is always very honest when he sells groceries, but he says nothing about his honesty when he sells hardware. Of such a man you think he is only honest in the one case because he has lost an opportunity to be dishonest or because too much pressure is brought to bear upon him. You pass him by anyway, you are afraid of him.

   I appeal to you to support McKinley, the man for whom I voted in 1896. My opponent is going around the state with velvet on his shoes for fear some one will hear him and will ask him who he voted for—whether for sound money and honesty or for free silver. He won’t say who he voted for. Will you support a party, one of whose delegates has brought misgovernment to New York City, and another of whom is trying to bring the same fate upon the state?

   We are for a pure and untainted judiciary and we make our fight on that issue for one thing.

   In national politics we dare to speak our minds. We are for honest finance and are against free coinage of silver. We are trying to uphold McKinley and assist the work of his peace commission and to secure for Americans the blessings and fruits of their blood, shed on Cuban soil. Only by supporting McKinley can you uphold the honor of the flag under which we live.

   Col. Roosevelt finished and stepped back amid a storm of applause to put on his coat and start for the train. Just then a voice from the gallery was heard above the cheering calling, “Colonel, Colonel.” The cheering partly ceased and a young man some 22 years of age or so was seen to be trying to ask a question. Col. Roosevelt stepped back toward the front of the stage and the young man said:

   “Colonel, will you explain that Oyster Bay episode?”

   “What Oyster Bay episode?” inquired Colonel Roosevelt.

   “Why, you know what I mean,” said the man in the gallery.

   “About the taxes?”

   “Yes, about the taxes.”

   “Yes, I’ll be very glad to explain it,” replied the colonel, “and I am glad you have brought it to my attention and I thank you for giving me the opportunity.”

   Just then the young man started to explain that he asked the question as a disinterested party, that he was not a voter of Cortland, nor did he live here. 

   “It doesn’t make any difference to me who you are or where you came from or whether you were hired to come here to ask me that question. I’ll answer it. On March 25 I was making ready the vessels of the fleet with which Dewey won his victory at Manila. I was raising the regiment which went with me to Cuba, one-fourth of whom poured out their lifeblood on Cuban soil. And yet notwithstanding these facts I still took the trouble to write to my man of business in New York to have him take pains to see that my taxes were paid either in Oyster Bay or in New York, which ever place they ought to be. When I came back from the army I found that on account of the death of my uncle through an oversight my taxes had not been paid in Oyster Bay. But I took the very first opportunity to pay them and they were paid in spite of all the opposition that partisanship could set up to prevent it for political means. All of these facts have been published and made plain in the papers and you might have read them and understood if you had seen fit. But you didn’t, and now you go back to the people who sent you here to ask that question and tell them than you have made a mighty poor fist of it.”

   No pen can begin to describe the thrilling effect of this dramatic scene. It was evident from the tone of the voice of the inquirer that the young man had asked the question to try to put the gubernatorial candidate in a hole. Everyone in the house knew it from Colonel Roosevelt to the young man himself. And Colonel Roosevelt resented it, though he answered the question fully. But his manner was beyond description. His eyes flashed fire, his words came clear and incisive and every one counted. His very manner seemed to wither and scorch the questioner, and almost before he had finished the young man had backed through the open window of the balcony to escape the deadly gleam of those indignant eyes and the hisses of the audience and went down the fire escape and disappeared.

   It was no wonder to that audience as it gazed upon Colonel Roosevelt at that time that his men made that magnificent charge up San Juan hill and swept forward to victory driving everything before them. It was no wonder the Spaniards fled declaring they had never seen such fighters before, that every time they fired at them they came forward instead of being checked. Those who saw Col. Roosevelt on this occasion looked upon a Rough Rider indeed as he annihilated his opponent. As for the audience, it fairly went wild. It shouted and yelled and by turns hissed the questioner.

   Without formal adjournment the audience dispersed, the whole meeting having occupied but just thirty minutes from calling to order to the beginning of the departure from the house.

   The Opera House questioner was seen by a STANDARD man later down on Main-st. He declined to give his name, but said he came from Philadelphia.

AT TAYLOR HALL.

   Like the Opera House, Taylor hall was filled within a very few minutes after the opening of the doors. Over two hours of waiting did not seem to try the patience of any one. Every one clung tenaciously to his seat until the arrival of the speakers, which was at 4:45. Secretary Rowland L. Davis called the meeting to order and introduced Attorney Lewis Bouton of Cortland as chairman of the day. Without any preliminary remarks, Chairman Bouton introduced as the first speaker of the afternoon John W. Youngs, district attorney of Queens county.

   In his opening sentences, Mr. Youngs referred to the time when he was a student in Cornell university, and often drove over to Cortland. He added that he was not ashamed to confess that his object in coming to Cortland was to see a pretty girl. He thought Cortland had improved since that time and he pleased the ladies present by saying that the beauty of the ladies has improved also.

   We are now just beginning on a campaign, the great and decisive battle of which will be fought on Nov. 8. This will be a battle of ballots not a battle of bullets, as was the case in Cuba. The voters in rural localities are recognized as intelligent. It is the duty of every man to vote, and he who shirks this duty shirks the greatest duty of an American citizen. If a voter does not approve of the principles on which the civil war was waged, if he does not approve of the principles of protection to American industries and prefers to see the spindles stop whirling, the mill wheels stop turning, and the furnace fires die out, if he thinks that American citizens should repudiate their honest debts by the use of a dishonest dollar, let him say so by voting the Democratic ticket. But if he does believe the Union cause was justified, if he does believe in protection to American industries, and if he does not believe in free silver, let him say so by voting the Republican ticket. The Republican party in this campaign is willing to meet its opponents on any issues, be they state or national. We will fight it all along the line. It is a fact that our friends, the enemy, dare not face the issues. Their candidate, Mr. Van Wyck, doesn’t dare open his mouth and tell whether he voted for Bryan or not.

   They speak of “canal frauds.” A Republican governor appointed a committee of investigation, which reported not one word of dishonesty, but did find that there was some injudicious management and awarding of contracts. But all of this will be dealt with by Theodore Roosevelt, who is an honest man.

   Mr. Youngs touched upon the judiciary question and referred to the nomination by the Republicans of New York of Judge Daily, a Democrat, who has had a spotless record of twenty-eight years on the bench, and whom Croker refused to renominate because of his refusal to appoint to a clerkship a relative of Croker’s. He compared Croker and his growing power to Richard Neville, earl of Warwick, the king maker. “Our Richard,” said the speaker, seeks to make the whole Van Wyck family into a family of royalty. He referred to the Raines law and its results in lessening the taxation to be borne by the taxpayer. And the Democratic party seeks the repeal of this law which is so eminently in the interests of the taxpayer.

   At this point Colonel Roosevelt arrived in the hall, and the scene of enthusiasm was simply indescribable. Mr. Youngs made some concluding remarks, and Colonel Roosevelt was introduced. Another ovation greeted him when he arose and it was some minutes before he could make himself heard. His remarks were characteristic of the man, terse and to the point. He spoke substantially as he did at the other meetings, referring especially to honesty and courage, two very needful qualities in a public official.

   Colonel Roosevelt closed amid the most tumultuous applause. There were calls for Depew, and Secretary Davis promised that the great man should say a few words if he could be prevailed upon, and he hastened to the Opera House to get Dr. Depew. While Mr. Davis was gone, Mr. Youngs again took the platform and most emphatically urged that the voters be very careful who they send to represent them in the assembly. Send a man whom you know will vote right on United States senator, a man whom you know positively will not vote for the return of Edward Murphy.

   Dr. Depew appeared in a few minutes and was greeted with unbounded applause. He said that all day he and Colonel Roosevelt had been dropping pearls of eloquence all the way from New York. This to him is a Republican year from every indication. His store of ready wit was drawn upon in a most fascinating manner throughout his brief remarks, and be closed by urging the election of a congress that will uphold President McKinley, and by paying a high and deserving tribute to the worth and ability of the next governor of New York state, Colonel Theodore Roosevelt.

AT THE ARMORY.

   The Opera House was filled to its utmost capacity and Taylor hall was crowded to the doors. Still the streets were lined with people seeking to gain admission to one place or the other only to find that the doors were closed in their faces. One other place remained, held in readiness by the committee for just such an emergency and just such a crowd. This was the armory on South Main-st. and, headed by the Homer band, the crowd made its way thither, across the Tompkins-st. corner, torn up and made almost impassable by the work in connection with the pavement.

   When the special train arrived bearing the distinguished visitors, one carriage, containing Col. Roosevelt, Judge John T. McDonough, Republican candidate for secretary of state, Hon F. P. Saunders and Henry A. Dickinson, was driven at once to the Messenger House corner where the occupants alighted and hastened to the armory. Consequently the people there were the first to catch a glimpse of the gallant colonel and it was there that he delivered his first speech after reaching Cortland. The arrival of the party at the armory was a signal for prolonged applause. The seats along the sides of the immense building were filled with people long before the arrival of the distinguished party and an immense crowd followed them in, almost filling the entire floor space.

   Before the cheering was fairly over, or the band had stopped playing, Mr. Henry A. Dickinson as chairman of the meeting introduced Col. Roosevelt who was cheered to the echo. He spoke for about fifteen minutes and in the brief time allowed him touched upon many of the salient features of the present political campaign. His speech in the main was much the same as the one at the Opera House given above.

   At the conclusion of Col. Roosevelt’s speech Chairman Dickinson introduced Judge John T. McDonough of Albany, Republican candidate for secretary of state. Judge McDonough’s speech was largely of a statistical nature. He spoke of the reception given the party at different places along their route and dwelt upon the importance of the coming election. He paid a high tribute to Col. Roosevelt as a man and as a candidate for governor of the Empire state.

   He is, said the speaker, a candidate worthy of hard work and the best effort that can be put forth in his behalf. You need have no fears for your candidate, he is fearless himself and as brave and honest as he is fearless. Col. Roosevelt spoke of the national and state issues. There is another issue which enters into this campaign. It is the question of bread and butter. Judge McDonough then gave an interesting and instructive outline of the industrial situation and the policy of the Republican party in reference thereto. He spoke of the prospects of returning prosperity and contrasted the conditions existing under Democratic and Republican rule. He touched upon the Raines law and the benefits derived from it and asked what the Democrats would give in place of the present measure if they succeeded in getting it repealed.

   In reference to the canal investigation he said there has been wrong doing, but it has not been brought home to the doors of any state official.

   In closing he referred to the brilliant achievements of Col. Roosevelt and the American army in the recent war and of the utmost necessity of supporting the national administration in all it had undertaken in reference to the added responsibilities which this war had thrust upon the nation, and made it plain that  the way to do this is to elect the entire Republican state ticket at the coming election.