Henry Clay Frick. |
Cortland Standard and Journal, Tuesday,
July 26, 1892.
CHAIRMAN
FRICK SHOT.
A YOUNG RUSSIAN FIRES SIX SHOTS AT HIM.
The Assailant and Accomplice Are Arrested.—The
City in a Fever of Excitement.—Frick Thought to be Dying.
PITTSBURG, Pa., July 23, 2:30 P. M.—H. C. Frick, chairman of
the Carnegie Steel Co., has just been shot in the neck. The young man
who shot him has just been arrested.
Three
shots were fired. All took effect, one in the neck and two in the back near the
right side just above the hip. The assailant is badly used up and it is evident
that a hard fight occurred before the man was placed under arrest. He is now in
the central police station. He is young, smooth faced, tall and slender. His name
has not yet been ascertained. One of the clerks in Frick’s office says that
Frick is very badly shot, but it cannot now be ascertained whether his injuries are necessarily fatal.
Dr.
Litchfield, the attending physician, says he cannot as yet tell what the
result of Frick’s wounds will
be. The man who shot Frick refuses to give his name. He is a Russian, is about
21 years old, six feet six inches high, has been in this country about six
years and this city two days. The last place in which he worked was in the
Singer Sewing Machine Works in New York. The revolver used was a 36 calibre.
Another man
has just been arrested as an accomplice of the assailant of Frick. The city is
in a fever of excitement such as was never before known. The entire block in which
is located the Carnegie Steel Co.’s general offices is crowded with excited
citizens.
Situation at Homestead.
PITTSBURG,
July 23.—The indications last
night were that the armed truce of the past few days may be broken
to-day and that another chapter or possibly two chapters will be
added to the story of the Homestead strike so far as it has been
written. According to information from a reliable source the
Carnegie company does not propose to allow O’Donnell to secure
his liberty if it can be avoided, and hence unless there is a
change of plans before court opens in the morning, a strong effort
will be made to demonstrate to the courts that he was one of the
principals in the attack upon the Pinkerton barges, in order that
it may be held that information and warrants charging him with murder
in the first degree were well based. It was to this end that the
eight Pinkertons were taken to the county jail yesterday to
identify the leader of the strikers, while fifty residents of Homestead were subpoenaed
last night on behalf of the commonwealth to testify regarding O’Donnell’s
control of the strikers.
Increased Activity at Homestead.
HOMESTEAD, Pa., July
22.—Increased activity is noticeable inside the big mill fence to-day. Non-union workmen are coming by squads of from 10 to 20 at a time by boat from
Pittsburg and a few have got in unobserved through the town of Homestead. The
number of excursionists and sightseers
who come here every day and the presence of Gen. Snowden's guards makes this
possible.
Hiring Men in Philadelphia.
PHILADELPHIA, July 22.—J. Ogden Hoffman, agent of the Carnegie Steel Co. in this city,
employed about thirty steel workers yesterday and dispatched them to Homestead
last night. The hiring was conducted with great secrecy. The advertisements in
the morning papers asked those in search of work to call at an address on
Arch-st., whence they were sent to the company’s office, and if satisfactory,
promptly engaged.
The Shooting of Mr. Frick.
The
shooting of Mr. Henry C. Frick in his office in Pittsburg Saturday, says the New York Recorder,
was a brutal and cowardly attempt at assassination which every American must
regard with horror. The spirit which prompted this foul deed has no place in
our social system, and is as abhorrent to the laboring man as it is to the
capitalist. It is a crime which will receive no sympathy from any citizen of
the United States, no matter what his condition may be. Americans rejoice in
the knowledge that they live under a government whose constitution guarantees
equal rights and like protection to all, and their sincerest endeavor is to uphold
that constitution.
The
shooting of Mr. Frick is the direct outcome of the effect of inflammatory utterances
of certain newspapers, blinded by the vision of temporary gain, upon the
excitable temperament of that vicious anarchistic element which finds its way
into this country through comparatively unrestricted immigration. If an object
lesson were needed of the evils which must result from a combination of these
two dangerous causes, it is here afforded. If evidence were needed that the
teaching of anarchy in any form should be prohibited in America and that immigration
should be restricted, it is here furnished.
That the
strikers at Homestead had anything whatever
to do with the attempted murder of Mr. Frick we do not believe. The
American workingman does not resort to the methods of the coward and the
assassin to redress his wrongs, however grievous they may appear to him. He
knows that he is a citizen of the republic, and as such is the equal, under the
constitution, of every other citizen. That is the lesson in which he is cradled; that is the proudest
boast of his manhood. It is his birthright to fight for his own, but he fights
openly and fairly. Moreover, nothing could more seriously injure the cause of
the Homestead strikers than the tragedy of Saturday. The deed is so abhorrent
to the people of this country that it must cost those in whose interest it was
intended some sympathy, no matter how innocent they themselves may be of the crime.
The very
fact that the incentive for the attempted assassination grew out of the
Homestead troubles, and that the victim of the assassin was the acknowledged head
of the opposition to the Homestead strikers, will tell against the latter and
in favor of the former. The leaders of the Homestead workmen knew all this
before the shooting occurred, and they would have been sheer imbeciles to have
encouraged or even countenanced the action of the would-be murderer. There is
no line of reason consistent with self-interest, to say nothing of American
manhood, whereby the Homestead strikers can be connected directly with this
affair. The whole trouble arises, as we have said, from the license taught to
immigrant anarchists, chiefly by unprincipled public prints.
The
Democrats in congress opposed the McKinley bill because it “would increase the
cost of the necessaries of life,” and now the [Cortland] Democrat
declares that “potatoes never brought such starvation prices until after the
McKinley bill went into effect.” The Democratic opponents of the McKinley bill
also fought the tariff on wool because, as they insisted, it would increase the
cost of carpets, clothing and all other articles manufactured from wool. “Free
wool” was one of their loudest demands, and now the Democrat declares that,
notwithstanding the McKinley bill became a law, the price of wool is “lower than
it has been for years.” If butter is a “drug in the market,” as the Democrat declares,
and the tariff is a tax, where would butter be if the tariff of 6 cents per lb.,
fixed by the McKinley law, were removed?
How the
tariff on tin-plate can make the price of butter lower is a problem before
which the ablest political economist might turn pale, but the Democrat boldly declares
that the “farmer sells his butter for less money in order to protect and foster
the alleged American tin industry.”
The statement that “the farmer is continually
buying in a protected market and selling in a free trade market” is perhaps the rankest and grossest misstatement
in the entire paragraph. The products
of the farm are protected by the
McKinley law as they never were before.
The tariff on butter and cheese, for
example, was raised 50 per cent by it,
the tariff on potatoes increased from 15
to 25 cents per bushel, and, in fact, duties
upon nearly the entire line of farm
products, vegetable and animal, largely
advanced. On the other hand sugar
was placed on the free list where it stands
with tea and coffee. The American farmer
is to-day selling in a strongly protected
market. If farm products are low it is because of the competition of the great West and the enormous crops with which this country has been favored while people in other lands have been starving.
When the
Democrat talks of the farmers “buying in a protected market,” will it kindly
specify a time in the history of this or any other country when a dollar would
buy as many of the necessaries of life as it will to-day, or when, in proportion
to the cost of living, a man received as much for a day’s work? Will the Democrat
also come out squarely and say whether it believes that the tariff is or is not
a tax, and whether it makes articles on which it is levied higher or lower in price?
Or is it simply a scapegoat upon which Democratic newspaper may load high
prices and low prices alike, as the political and industrial situation may seem
to suggest, for the purpose of deceiving voters who have not the time or
facilities for running down the false statements so brazenly made?
The only
thing clearly comprehensible from the Democrat’s statements is that it regards
the success of its party as of a great deal more importance than any principles
that were ever thought of, and that if it can make every class of workers
believe that all they have to complain of is due to the tariff, its mission will
be accomplished.
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